Chechen tribal clans in Chechnya. Who divided the Caucasus and how? Adam Delimkhanov and his brothers

Traditional Chechen society is now going through a difficult process of integration into the international and social processes that have developed in the XX-XXI centuries. Transformations that often take place under serious outside influence inevitably destroy and leave in the past the historical forms of existence of the Chechen people, their most interesting internal ties. Vestnik Kavkaza tells about some of the features of the organization of the Chechen (more broadly - Vainakh) society, which will inevitably be lost in the coming century.

The main thing that distinguishes the Vainakh peoples (Chechens, Ingush and Batsbians) among other North Caucasian peoples is the tribal (teip) structure of the organization of the people that has survived in the 20th century.
The Vainakh clan (teip) consisted of several filial groups - gars (branches of the clan, since the teip consisted only of non-linear relatives, excluding their wives - members of another teip), which could name the name of their real ancestor and, in turn, were divided into smaller groups : family (didzal) and others.

Teips (clans) were united into tukkhums - military-economic alliances, not related to each other by blood kinship, but united into a higher association for the joint solution of common tasks of defense against enemy attacks and economic exchange.

Despite the primacy of the man, the woman had the same inheritance rights. So, the daughter inherited an equal share with her brother, and the mother - on an equal basis with the children. And only later, with the establishment of Sharia (civil law of Muslims), the traditional adat law of the Vainakhs was transformed into a system in which, when the state of the head of the house was divided, the son received the full share, the daughter - half a share, and the wife - one-eighth.

Since the middle of the 19th century, in connection with the modernization processes in Chechnya itself, as well as the migration of Chechens to the capital and neighboring regions of Russia, which has acquired serious proportions, the traditional teip structure of Vainakh society began to collapse, leaving in legends and memories of old people.

Modern scholars, in particular L.S.-E.Baskhanova, note that “The decay of the teip and its disappearance as a real social category was facilitated by:
1) Growth of internal contradictions and inconsistency of the teip as social institution new social and economic realities;
2) No need for socially organizing functions of the teip due to the emergence of state institutions (Shamil's imamate, tsarist administration, etc.);
3) Violation of the principle of a single teip territory;
4) Lack of common economic and political interests among various patronymic groups of the teip due to violation of the principle of territorial unity;
5) The adoption by patronymic of functions determined by the peculiarities of the national mentality, primarily blood feud.
The Chechen teip has turned from a social organization into a mythological category, into a category of moral order. And as a category, the mythological teip becomes, in the minds of the Chechens, an ideal organization of universal equality and justice. "

What is the root cause of the breakdown of such a strong system based on solid moral and moral foundations? MM Yusupov writes that over the past decades "the psychology of an ordinary Chechen has radically changed: he is no longer a peasant tied to his land and traditional values," but an impoverished individual, already torn off from his peasant-traditional roots, but has not yet found its place in an industrial urban environment. In this regard, "sociologists note the simplification of the hierarchy of social ties in Chechen society and the archaization of various aspects of social relations, which poses a serious threat to the development of the Chechen people as a nation."

Meanwhile, in recent years, the process of post-war reconstruction of Chechnya has been proceeding at a Stakhanovian pace. The Chechen Republic is unconditionally leading among the subjects of the North Caucasian Federal District in terms of the rate of socio-economic development, although this does not negate the serious problems facing the Chechen (as well as other North Caucasian) people. And traditional values ​​are not at all doomed, as it might seem, looking at most Western societies that emerged in the industrial and post-industrial era.

The communal principle of organizing public life is not only preserved, but the dictates of modernity are the recognition of jamaat-cantonal associations (that is, the realities of a rural territorial community). These associations should operate adat-sharia courts (courts under customary and Muslim law), which should be responsible for a wide range of issues related to the internal life of the community: violation of women's rights, family and marriage relations, procedures for settling various disputes, in some cases even related to murder (procedure for reconciliation of blood feuds) ”. Today there is more and more talk about the need to preserve the norms of behavior dictated by traditional attitudes.

It is also worth recalling the recent cases of reconciliation between "blood feuds" and warring clans in Chechnya and Ingushetia with the help of the oldest moral authorities and at the initiative of the heads of the republics.

To be continued…

Alexey Balashov, especially for « «

The Republic of Dagestan

The Shikhsaidov clan consists of ethnic kumikhs. Significant figures: Khizri Shikhsaidov (deputy of the Russian Duma), brother-Shikhsaid Shikhsaidov (businessman), son of D. Shikhsaidov (deputy chairman of the National Council of Dagestan), nephew Murad Shikhsaidov (former deputy prime minister and minister of agriculture), nephew of Dzhambulatov (rector of the Academy Agriculture). The clan also includes a rather influential family of the Kurbanovs and Aliyevs. Former governor of the Derbent region Kurban Kurbanov, Nariman Kurbanov (chairman of the environmental committee of the national council of Dagestan), Asiyat Aliyeva (chairman of the education committee). In the 90s, Khizri Shikhsaidov was associated with such famous racketeers as Gadzhi Makhachev, Magomed Gadzhiev (the same "Maga-fix"), Shamil Hasanov (the same "Piece"), Khamzat Akhmedov (the same "Gamsakhurdia") and others. They are behind the considerable facts of abductions and murders of people that took place in the 90s. The Shikhsaidov clan controls the grain business, part of the banking sector. They also have access to subsidies transferred from the central budget of the Russian Federation. The main supporters of the clan are ethnic kumikhs. The clan is in confrontation with the Aliyev clan, but it is on good terms with the clan of Said Amirov and the oligarch Suleiman Kerimov.

The clan of Said Amirov is an ethnic Darguets, but his clan is international. Its leader, Said Amirov, mayor of the city of Makhachkala. He lost limbs as a result of attacks carried out on him. Amirov's main allies are his nephews (from his sister's side) Jamalladin Hasanov and Magomedkadyr Hasanov (Duma deputies from the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia and United Russia), deputies of the Council of Dagestan Ferziyat Bagandova, Gazimagomed Abdullaev, Adil Kabardiev, Sefer Alabek, businessman Pikret A Saidpasha Umakhanov (former head of the Khasavyurt administration), Akbar Akayev (former mayor of Buinaksk). The Amirov clan controls the construction industry and the black caviar business. On the initiative of Said Amirov, an investment of $ 5 billion is being made in the city of Makhachkala for the construction of the Cote d'Azur microdistrict. Presumably, Amirov has financial interests in this project as well. In Dagestan, Said Amirov is known as a relatively less corrupt and relatively independent politician from Moscow. They even call him " with an iron hand"because of the relentless struggle with the rebels. Said Amirov distances himself from the ruling clans of Aliyev and Levash.

The Levash clan (the same clan of the Magomedovs) - the clan consists of Darguys living in the Levash region. One of the main ego founders, the former secretary of the Central Committee of the Dagestan SSR and subsequently the president of the Republic of Dagestan Magomedali Magomedov (nicknamed "Grandfather"). With his arrival in politics, the strengthening of systemic corruption in Dagestan is associated. His son Magomedsalam Magomedov is currently the President of Dagestan. The governors of many districts and the mayors of several cities are originally from the Levash region and are relatives of the Magomedalievs. This clan is in latent confrontation with the Aliyev clan. The ruling elite, as much as possible at all levels, is carrying out the elimination of ethnic Hunzes from the administration of the republic. The Levashev clan, and specifically the current president, is related to the actualization of the Dido issue in order to violate the ethnic unity of the Hunz. The Levash clan owns many legal and illegal (gambling and prostitution) businesses. The clan is on good terms with the oligarch Suleiman Kerimov.

The Nasruddinov clan is an international clan. Its leader is Magomedhussein Nasruddinov. He is the owner subsidiary Gazprom Daggaz. His main allies are MP Kerim Huseynov and former Daggaz general director Rafik Aslanbekov, Huseynov's son-in-law. The clan is known for the so-called. "gas wars" with the former governor of Khasavyurt Alkhamatov. The reason for the "war" was the redistribution of spheres of influence in the energy sector. In addition to the gas monopoly, the clan does not differ in other activities. On the political arena, Magomedhussein Nasruddinov supports the Levash clan.

The Hunz clan - staffed by ethnic Hunz. Its most prominent representative is the former President of Dagestan, Mukhu Aliyev. And you can also highlight the former presidential candidate Magomed Magomedov. Currently, the clan has weakened, and its spheres of influence are associated only with local business. On the current political map of Dagestan, the most prominent representative of the Khunza is the mayor of the city of Khasavyurt, Saygidpasha Umakhanov. He is in opposition to the ruling elite. He is often accused of patronizing the rebels. Despite this, Umakhanov's influence is limited only to the city of Khasavyurt and adjacent territories.

Suleiman Kerimov is an ethnic Lezgin, a famous oligarch. He owns a large company "Nafto-Gas". He owns 4.5% of shares in Gazprom, 6% in Sberbank, 75% in Polymetal, 25% in Uralkal. He is also the owner of the Anji football club. According to Forbes magazine, he has a fortune of $ 7.8 billion and is ranked 19th in the ranking of Russian oligarchs. The scandalous elections in Derbent are associated with the name of Suleiman Kerimov, when Kazimakhomedov was elected to the post of mayor as a result of the rude interference of Suleiman Kerimov. Among the proteges of Suleiman Kerimov, the following deputies are named: Abdulgamid Emirgamzaev and his nephew Ruslan Gadzhiev ("Fair Russia"). Kerimov had a strained relationship with the former president of Dagestan, Mukhu Aliyev. Today he supports the ruling clan. Currently, Kerimov is engaged in charity work. Kerimov enjoys especially great authority in southern Dagestan, in the regions inhabited by Lezgi and speaking the languages ​​of the Lezgi group.

Republic of Chechnya

Kadyrov's clan - this clan is often called by the name of the Centrei clan. Actually, Ramzan Kadyrov is a representative of the Benoi teip (the type-clan-tribal unit of the Chechens and Ingush). His closest entourage includes his cousin, called the right hand Adam Delimkhanov. All the Chechen security agencies are in the hands of Kadyrov's relatives, or his closest circle. The head of the "North" special battalion is Colonel Alimbek Delimkhanov (brother of Adam Delimkhanov), the "South" special battalion, captain Anzor Daudov, the "West" battalion Said-Magomed Kakiyev. In the native village of Kadyrov, the Center (formerly Khosi-Yurt) is located cadet corps, where military exercises are conducted for children of 14-15 years old, relatives and tribesmen of Kadyrov. The oligarch Ruslan Baysarov is considered the palace businessman of Ramzan Kadyrov. Kadyrov is on good terms with the owners of big capital, the Bazhaev brothers. The Kadyrov clan has monopolized all the big business in Chechnya. In addition to Chechnya, Kadyrov is actively trying to expand his influence in the Stavropol region, Moscow, Ingushetia and Dagestan. Kadyrov's law enforcement agencies are active in those European countries where there is a Chechen diaspora. Kadyrov actively follows the Sufi tariqah of Sheikh Kunta Haji and fights by force against any manifestation of Salafi (so-called Wahhabi) Islam imported from Arabia.

The Yamadaev clan is the same Gudermes clan led by the Yamadaev brothers. For a number of years, Selim Yamadayev commanded an uncontrolled Kadyrov special detachment of the GRU, the Vostok battalion. Like "Vostok", there was a special battalion of the GRU "West", which today is subordinate to Kadyrov. After the occupation of the Tskhinvali region, relations between Ramzan Kadyrov and the Yamadayevs escalated, which ended with the elimination of the Yamadayevs. Currently, the Yamadayev clan has been destroyed and has no influence in Chechnya.

The Republic of Ingushetia

Ruling clan - this clan is represented by the current ruler of Ingushetia, Yunusbek Yevkurov, and his team. Evkurov himself is a cadre formed in the bosom of the GRU. On his account there was a special landing operation in the city of Pristina in Kosovo, as a result of which the seizure of the Pristina airport was carried out. Yevkurov's inner circle includes: Musa Chiliev (chairman of the government of the Republic of Ingushetia), Uvais Yevkurov (Yevkurov's brother), as well as the oligarch Musa Keligov. Uvais Yevkurov controls oil and gas supplies to Ingushetia. It is often called "Uvaisneft". In addition, the Yevkurov clan has redistributed tranches transferred from Moscow. Considering that Ingushetia is one of the most subsidized republics in the North Caucasus, the volume of tranches should be quite large.

Mikhail Gutseriev is an ethnic Ingush oligarch. For a long time he lived in London. According to Forbes magazine, he is worth $ 2.5 billion and is ranked 38th among businessmen living in Russia. He owns the firms "Rusneft", "Russian Coal", "Mospromstroy" as well as the British company GCM Global Energy Inc. It produces oil in the territory of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. His brother Site-Salam Gutseriev and nephew Mikhail Shishkhanov are also big businessmen. Gutseriev is actively involved in charity work in different regions Russia. In Ingushetia, his activities are associated with financing the election campaign of former President Murad Zyazikov. Gutseriev's name appeared during the acquisition of the assets of the Georgian oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili in Russia. In the spring of 2010, a telephone conversation took place between Gutseriev and Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, but the details are unknown. At present, the financial potential of Gutseriev on the territory of Ingushetia is to a lesser extent used.

Republic of North Ossetia - Alania

The Mamsurov clan is the ruling clan of North Ossetia. For a long time, Mamsurov relied on the crime boss Tamerlan Dzabiev ("Tamik"), who was killed in 2010 in Vladikavkaz. One of the most significant sources of income for Mamsurov and his entourage in North Ossetia is the alcohol business. The list of businessmen close to Mamsurov includes Taimuraz Boloev, the former owner of the Baltika brewery, and Taimuraz Bokoev, a vodka magnate. Mamsurov has a certain influence on the territory of the occupied Tskhinvali region. In the current confrontation between Kokoity and Tedeev, he supports Eduard Kokoity and his clan. Mamsurov's team has no serious political opponent.

Republic of Kabardino-Balkaria

Clan Kanokov - this clan is united around the investment holding "Sindika", the founder of which is the actual ruler of the present Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, Arsen Kanokoev. Sindica includes up to 70 enterprises scattered throughout Russia. He came to politics from business. Criminals Alisag Shogentsukov ("Alikos"), Albert Nazranov ("Negro") are ranked among Kanokov's entourage. Among the supporters of Kanokov is also called the "Union of Volunteers of the War in Abkhazia", ​​which includes the criminal authority Kazbek Yakhagoev ("Yakha"), and others. The Kanokoev clan also controls ski resorts, which irritates the Balkars. The World Association of Circassians and its president Kashonbi Azhakhov are distinguished by their loyalty to Kanokov.

Republic of Karachay-Cherkessia

Clan of Trees - The clan consists of ethnic Circassians. For a long time, its leader was the mayor of the city of Cherkessk, Stanislav Derev, who died in 2006. The trees are distinguished by their financial strength and latent support of Circassian nationalists. They own the firm "Mercury", which includes a network of enterprises throughout the republic. In the political spectrum of present-day Karachay-Cherkessia, the role of Derevykh is minimal. The clan is in tense relations with the Karachai and Circassian clans.

The Arashukov clan - like the Trees clan, this clan also consists of Circassians. It is headed by Raul Arashukov. He owns the following companies: "Stavropolkraigaz" (a subsidiary of Gazprom), "Stavropolkarton", "Arteks-Yug", "Adyukh", "Nedra-2004" and others. Arashukov supports a good relationship with Ingush oligarch Mikhail Gutseriev. Within the republic, they cooperate with the local Tambiev clan (ethnic Karachais). A. Tambiev himself is the deputy of Stavropolregiongaz. He also invests in agriculture.

The Hapsirokov clan is also staffed by ethnic Circassians. Nazir Hapsirokov is at the head. He facilitated the rise to power of former President Mustafa Batdiev and his clan. The clan is distinguished by great financial capabilities. Hapsik (Nazir Hapsirokov's nickname) owns the large Mabatex bank, as well as other firms scattered across the Russian Federation. The Hapsirokov clan is currently in an alliance with the Aybazovs' Karachai clan. These latter are accused of the murder of a promising Circassian politician, Fral Shebzukhov. Currently, the Hapsirokov clan is investing in the mountain resort area of ​​Dombai.

The Batdiev clan consists of ethnic Karachais. The clan is headed by the former president of the Karachay-Cherkess Republic, Mustafa Badtiev. The current president, Rashid Temrezov, is perceived as a member of the Batdiev clan. The clan owns all sorts of businesses on the territory of the republic and abroad.

The Aybazov clan are ethnic Karachais. The clan is headed by Ratmir Aybazov (nickname "Cyclops"). He owned a construction firm building large projects in different regions. He finances the Elbrusoid Karachai Foundation, which is engaged in various cultural events, and aims to revive and preserve the Karachai culture. The Aybazov clan was able to earn the favor of one of the titular ethnic groups of Karachay-Cherkessia, the Abaz, which was later used for the political struggle against the Circassian clans.

Republic of Adygea

The ruling clan is headed by the current ruler of the Republic of Adygea, Aslan Tkhakushinov. In general, the Adyghe republic differs from the rest of the Caucasian republics in that the clan system is less represented here, and there is more integration with the southern regions of the Russian Federation, for example, with the Krasnodar region.

The republic is strongly influenced by the authorities Krasnodar Territory represented by its head Alexander Tkachev. Tkachev's project is considered to be a Russian organization in the Republic of Adygea, "Slavic Union", which lobbies the interests of ethnic Russians living in Adygea and the republic's annexation to the Krasnodar Territory.

Ramzan Kadyrov accused his Ingush colleague Yunus-Bek Yevkurov of flirting with the militants and announced Chechnya's claims to part of the territory of two Ingush regions. The public conflict that suddenly flared up between the heads of the Caucasian republics is, in fact, a struggle for supremacy in the Caucasus, a competition for a place of an exemplary region and, as a result, for the attention of the federal center. And it is here, as nowhere else, that the "love of the Kremlin" means "money" - large budget funds that will go to the winner in the race of the Caucasian leaders.

Ramzan Kadyrov, head of Chechnya

Character. Kadyrov is the youngest and most ambitious of the Caucasian rulers. Leads the lifestyle of a Caucasian prince. He moves surrounded by a huge armed guard in a motorcade of dozens of expensive cars. Tsentoroi turned the family estate into an impregnable fortress. But this is not enough - for the sake of the new residence of Kadyrov, truly tsarist measures are being carried out: they straightened the bed of the Sunzha River, richly build up 64 thousand square meters. meters of premises and are preparing for planting 16 thousand rose bushes, in which the residence will be buried.

Kadyrov has improved Grozny and Gudermes, but keeps the inhabitants of the republic in fear. They say that failure to comply with his direct instructions is fraught with both loss of position and other troubles.

The Kremlin turns a blind eye to the "boyishness" of the young ruler for his loyalty, which he always readily demonstrates. Experts associate his verbal attacks on his neighbor, the head of Ingushetia, Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, with the fact that Kadyrov sees himself in the future as the head of a united Chechen-Ingushetia and his ambitions are fueled by the Kremlin.

Patrons. Ramzan Kadyrov is not a trifle on trifles, so he enlisted the support of the first person - Vladimir Putin, to whom he swore allegiance back in 1999. From the hands of Putin, Kadyrov received the Star of the Hero of Russia and the shoulder straps of the general of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Since then, he has never tired of praising his Kremlin patron: "My idol is Putin," "Putin is the most holy person for me."

Clan. The Kadyrov clan is the most powerful in the Caucasus. Previously, only the Yamadayev clan could oppose him, but its representatives are almost gone - three brothers have been killed in the past few years. Today the Kadyrov clan is the Kadyrov family and the “Kadyrovtsy” are his loyal subjects, namely, several battalions consisting of people loyal to Ramzan Kadyrov, at least 10-12 thousand well-armed people. Plus their families - over a hundred thousand people - are practically a state within a state.

Yunus-Bek Evkurov, President of Ingushetia

Character... The gallant paratrooper general who led the charge to Pristina, who received the Star of the Hero.
From the very beginning, Yevkurov opposed himself to the image of the "Caucasian prince" who is personified by Ramzan Kadyrov.

Yevkurov flies in economy class, travels without a giant escort, a couple of times publicly lowered "well-wishers" who tried to bring tens of thousands of dollars into his office "as a gift", collected unsigned resignations from all republican officials. He published his number openly mobile phone, on which he could call, and personally went to the families of the militants to hold conversations with them and return the youth to a peaceful life.

Yevkurov benefits from personal participation in the pacification of the bloodlines. But in the negative - special operations on the territory of the republic.

- When three students are shot on the student courtyard of the university, calling them members of illegal armed groups and without providing any evidence, and a month later they blow up a car with five passengers, only two of whom were associated with terrorists, this cannot but cause discontent among the population, - explained To the "interlocutor" the head of the Ingush branch of the "Memorial" Timur Akiev, the reason for the drop in the rating of the President of Ingushetia, which has been recorded recently.

Patrons. Evkurov was appointed by Dmitry Medvedev. They say he continues to sympathize with the simple Ingush warrior. It is believed that with the beginning of the presidency of Putin, who is more sympathetic to Yevkurov's rival, Kadyrov, the time has come for the Ingush president.

Clan. Yevkurov loves to do everything himself - to communicate with the population, to travel to objects, to make personnel decisions. Therefore, under him there are no influential "gray cardinals", but gradually Yevkurov, who was at first divorced from the Caucasian policy, acquired his own clan, which includes the Minister of Finance, compatriot of the Ingush President Musa Chiliev; Yevkurov's brother Uvaisa, who heads his security, as well as several Yevkurovs, who settled in various high positions in the republic. The most democratic president in the Caucasus is gradually acquiring the usual features of a Caucasian head.

Recently, the republic was stirred up by a story with a distant relative of Yevkurov - Ruslan, who came to one of the villages to collect 15 thousand rubles from each resident for some "government grants", which he will help to receive. The President - we must give him his due - confessed his kinship and promised to punish his presumptuous brother. True, he is still at large.

Magomedsalam Magomedov, President of Dagestan

Character. First of all, the son of his father, President of Dagestan Magomedali Magomedov, and the heir to his political capital. For a couple of decades in power, the Pope-President (since 1983) managed to acquire connections that have not lost their relevance to this day.

The republic has an image of the most restless (most of the terrorist attacks take place on the Dagestan land), the most corrupt (positions are sold almost openly, and bribes are in the order of things) and the most clan-organized. The unpopularity of the authorities in Dagestan is so high that its president practically never communicates with the people directly and generally rarely leaves the presidential palace.

Patrons. They say that the future president of Dagestan in front of the Kremlin was supported by the richest Dagestani, the oligarch Suleiman Kerimov. In addition, the Kremlin preferred to preserve the supremacy of the Magomedov clan, so as not to provoke a round of inter-clan showdowns in addition to all the problems of Dagestan.

Clan.- The Magomedovs hold key positions in the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, so all these branches are not independent and converge on one point. At the same time, the clan already has so much money that they can maintain their power for a long time, despite all the tragedies that are taking place here, - commented Magomed Abakarov, head of the Caspian Council to the public, to the Interlocutor.

In the republic, they joke that the Magomedovs are interrupted from bread to water, meaning that the main representatives of the clan control the main industries, starting with baking bread and making mineral and sweet water.

Arsen Kanokov, head of Kabardino-Balkaria

Character. They say that Kanokov was appointed head of Kabardino-Balkaria as Abramovich in Chukotka - so that he would support the region with his personal wallet. A successful businessman, Kanokov is still on the Forbes list with a fortune of $ 600 million. Indeed, with his arrival in the republic, all the debts of the republican budget evaporated.

True, Arsen Bashirovich himself became even richer. He is credited with the main tourist complex "Intourist" and a number of large republican and all-Russian projects (the most famous is the "Sindika" holding and its countless "daughters").
Ill-wishers claim that Kanokov's Sindika is a kind of Syndicate. At least many of his company partners and relatives hold leading positions in the republic. “I never made new friends in the republic, so as not to give a reason to consider myself obligated,” Kanokov admitted in an interview.

Kanokov never gave up the lifestyle of an oligarch - though not fattening, but rather a respectable one - but this is not condemned in the Caucasus. He rides in a motorcade expensive cars accompanied by "Hummers", he lives in grand style and can afford such gifts as for the inauguration of Ramzan Kadyrov - a jeep for 80 thousand dollars. At the same time, Kanokov is actively involved in charity work and invests a lot of personal money in the construction of mosques, republican sports teams, the construction of universities, as well as targeted personal assistance to large families.

Patrons. As they say, Kanokov is one of the main candidates for “relegation”. Recently, various sources have stubbornly accompanied Kanokov from the post of head. They say that another strong clan, dreaming of full power in the republic, is conducting powerful intrigues against the head - the local oil tycoon Valery Kardanov, supported by the Moscow-based Rosneft. While Kanokov's main patrons with the prefix "ex" are most of them from the team of the former Moscow mayor Yuri Luzhkov, with whom Kanokov, as they say, was very friendly.

Friendship with the disgraced mayor of Moscow Kanokov is now in the red. However, the head of the republic, as they say, nevertheless did not break off long-standing ties and even employed some members of Luzhkov's team in his government.

Clan... Kanokov is a real businessman who builds connections with all forces in the republic - it seems that including the shadow ones. He is credited with business contacts with reputable entrepreneurs of the KBR Alisag Shogentsukov (pseudonym Alikos) and Albert Nazranov (pseudonym Negro). In addition, Kanokov is stubbornly suspected of paying for the "forest mafia" peace in the republic - such a practice of "milking" the rich exists in the Caucasus. They say that after the elimination of the "treasurer" of terrorists, the first number in his "ledger" was the name of Kanokov.

Last year's surge in terrorist attacks in the republic is associated with the fact that Kanokov, at the direction of Khloponin, stopped paying.

The clan on which the Kanokov relies are three families: the Kanokovs, the Zhamborovs (the maiden name of his wife Fatima) and the Tlekhugovs (the family of Kanokov's son-in-law). Recently, they have been under intense pressure - in June this year, several high-ranking republican officials from the Zhamborov family were detained and accused of abuses. The main point of the accusation is the building of the Philharmonic Society worth 20 million rubles, which was transferred to the cousin of Kanokov's wife for a symbolic amount of 1 million rubles. However, Kanokov himself, whose business began in the much more difficult 90s, remains visibly calm: "This story will not continue."

Rashid Temrezov, head of Karachay-Cherkessia

Character. Temrezov is the same age as the youngest ruler in the Caucasus, Ramzan Kadyrov, and in many ways is a "dark horse": Temrezov held the "non-presidential" but financially capacious position of the head of the republican "Avtodor". When Temrezov took office in February 2011, he was 35 years old.

In the republic, he is considered close to the clan of former President Mustafa Batdyev and a close friend of his son-in-law Ali Kaitov, who was sentenced to 17 years for the high-profile murder at his own dacha of seven people from influential clans of the republic for refusing to transfer shares of the republic’s largest enterprise, a cement plant, to Kaitov. The high-profile crime almost marked the beginning of a civil war in the republic and became the reason for Batdyev's resignation. It is still said in the republic that on the day of the terrible murder Temrezov was also at the dacha of his comrade Kaitov.

Patrons. They say that, despite the criminal shade of the past head of the republic, the presidential envoy Alexander Khloponin made a bet on the young and quick-witted Temrezov. Temrezov has two tasks: to extinguish clan contradictions, which have more than once recently put the republic on the brink of civil war, and to "correctly" dispose of budgetary funds that are already flowing in a generous stream for the development of the tourist cluster in Arkhyz.

Clan. Temrezov started out as a sponsor of the powerful Mustafa Batdyev, who from his youth had good connections in Moscow (he studied at the same time at the economics department of Moscow State University with banker Peter Aven, Yegor Gaidar and the current vice-speaker Alexander Zhukov).

“There is an opinion that now the head of the republic is trying to distance himself from the Batdyev clan and create his own clan, based not only on kinship, but also on friendly ties,” independent expert Murat Gukemukhov told the Interlocutor.

At the same time, Temrezov is one of the quietest rulers in the Caucasus. Which is quite justified in one of the most explosive regions - now another tension is brewing in the Karachay-Cherkess Republic due to three high-profile political assassinations of recent times. Past politicides (of deputies at the dacha of the president's son-in-law) ended in the KChR with the seizure of the president's office and the famous 10-hour conversation between the then plenipotentiary envoy Dmitry Kozak with the relatives of those killed.

Taimuraz Mamsurov, head of North Ossetia

Character. The ruler, more confident than others, sitting in his chair. The center's traditional favor to the Ossetians (as the only Orthodox people in the Caucasus) and the sad experience of Beslan, when Mamsurov managed not to anger the center, to the extent that he did not take his two children out of school and never criticized the actions Moscow.

Patrons. Mamsurov has strong personal support. Famous Ossetians are close to the country's leadership - conductor Valery Gergiev, businessman Taimuraz Bolloev, and a number of others.

Clan. According to rumors, the republic's economy is largely monopolized by the Mamsurov clan. There is an opinion that not without the knowledge of the head of the republic does not hold the honorary title of the capital of Russian bootlegging - the production of counterfeit alcohol.

In addition, like Ramzan Kadyrov, Mamsurov received carte blanche from the center to create his own small army - self-defense units, which are quite legally periodically mobilized on the border with Ingushetia. This is only allowed for “favorites”, to whom Mamsurov certainly belongs.

Summary. All current Caucasian rulers are too different. None of them are like the other. At the same time, the majority consider themselves to be the first and the best here, and almost everyone is the master of their land.

The control system is two-vector: local clans and patrons in the Kremlin. There are regional differences, but the general scheme is approximately the same, and it allows maintaining controlled chaos in the Caucasus, in the settlement of which one can always warm the hands of both Moscow and Caucasian officials.

The fact that teip Arsaloi is considered Russian does not mean that it consists entirely of Russian citizens. There are very few of them in the tape. Arsaloy includes Ossetians and descendants of mixed marriages. Teips Guna and Orsi, Khazar by origin, are also conventionally considered Russian. It is believed that Arsaloi and Orsi were formed with the participation of fugitive Russian soldiers. Representatives of the largest teip Guna are considered the descendants of the Terek Cossacks.

These tribal formations differ from others in softer intra-tribal laws. In many, the remnants of the ancient cult of women and even Orthodoxy can be traced, which in general did not affect the rather disenfranchised position of women, but saved them from such extremes as female circumcision. Teip Gunoy converted to Islam later than others, being Orthodox before.

The relations between the “Russians” and other teips, in general, differ little from the rest of the intertribal relations of the Caucasian peoples. Each teip sacredly keeps its customs and culture, rooted in the deepest antiquity. At the head is a council of elders. The rest of the members of society are equal. All fellow tribesmen provide assistance to the victim. Mourning is also observed - all at once. In the case of the murder of his fellow tribesman, the teip announced a blood feud against the murderer. Also, more and more cases of merging of different teips are observed.

In the "Russian" teips, other Chechen laws adopted in these tribal communities are also observed. At the same time, in recent decades, there has been a general destruction of the teip structure itself, which is explained by the strong influence from the outside: secular contacts with other peoples, education by wealthy teip members in Russia and Europe, etc. From the older generation, the young often receive a certain amount of information, but otherwise perceives the members of his teip as fellow countrymen, which contributes to the faster establishment of contact and the emergence of trust between people.

Chechens: Nation or Mafia?

"There are no shameful ways to make money, it's a shame not to have money."
Chechen proverb

It is noteworthy that such a small people as the Chechens - just over a million people living on the northern spurs of the Caucasus - were able to acquire an almost mythical halo. Mythic in a negative sense. Whenever it comes to Russian organized crime, sooner or later they say the word "Chechen".
And not only in Russia. In Prague, Berlin, London and other cities affected by the Russian criminal wave, Chechens are cited as examples of the brutality of Russian gangs.
Not touching on Chechens when talking about organized crime in the countries of the former Soviet Union is as senseless as not using Sicily when describing the Italian mafia.
There are obvious similarities between Chechnya and Sicily, which may explain something in the criminal tradition: distrust of central authorities, as well as family ties and clan cohesion that are stronger than other social ties. And in both respects, the key to the current situation is to be found in history.
The colonization of Chechnya by Russia was cruel and bloody. So bloody that in both tsarist and Soviet times there was strict censorship regarding this chapter in Russian-Soviet history.
But the Chechens survived not only as a nation. They managed to preserve their special properties thanks to the system of sects and brotherhoods that no central authority could break.
The clan structure of Chechen society goes back to the Middle Ages, when Islam appeared on this territory.
Along with the new religion came the tariqas, strict Muslim brotherhoods or orders of the community, which operate in Chechnya to this day. Two tariqas are the most powerful today, they are Najbandiya and Qadiriya.
Qadiriya became the strongest brotherhood in Chechnya in late xix century and then divided into three branches: kunta-hajis, batal-hajis and bamat-hajis.
Kunta-hajis adhered to peaceful methods, while the Batal-hajis had their own caste system and preached jigitism: courage, cruel discipline, martial art and mercilessness towards enemies.
It was the tarikat of Batalhadzhi who was accused of defending to the side of the Germans during the Great Patriotic War. Chechens - members of this brotherhood - killed Red Army soldiers and commanders of the Red Army and plundered military warehouses. The entire Chechen nation was punished for this. Its leaders were destroyed, and the people were expelled from their homeland.
The blood of the Chechens shed during the Stalinist genocide is still fresh in the memory of the people.
Tariqats helped the Chechens maintain a strong internal organization. They are based on isolation and secrecy.
The Batalhadjis have a "black box" for their young pupils of the Murids and to help their teachers. At the same time, this fund is a kind of common fund for thieves in law - it is a fund to help those who have gone to prison or their families.
This money is used for everything that can help increase the economic and political influence of the brotherhood.
Chechen clans are distinguished by their attachment to weapons. Weapons are part of culture and therefore from the most early years a Chechen boy is taught to handle weapons. The purpose of men is to be warriors and breadwinners.
Since the beginning of the 60s, the Chechens have been almost forgotten by the authorities, until in the early 80s, in last years Soviet power, they suddenly did not "emerge" in the capital.
Chechens are beginning to build bridges in Moscow, gaining influence at various levels. When state control weakens in the early 1980s, they come to the fore and gain great influence in the underworld. By aggressively seizing territories and special areas of activity of other gangs, they managed to quickly acquire a reputation for hardened and well-organized extortionists.
The first attempt by the mafia to share a "pie" called Moscow was made in 1988 in Dagomys near the Black Sea.
But from the very beginning, it was doomed to failure, since important parties, including the Chechens, did not participate in the division. "We are going to take Moscow as the Sicilians occupied New York and Chicago," was their response to attempts to divide the capital peacefully.
There is a direct link between the rule of former President Dudayev in Chechnya and criminal syndicates in Russian cities. Dudayev threatened to turn Moscow into a disaster area, meaning precisely those criminal groups that were loyal to the liberation aspirations of Chechnya and had already established themselves in the capital.
The direct connection of the Chechen gangs with the authorities in Grozny was strengthened as a result of a trial in Moscow in 1991.
Then "Khoja" Nuchaev, "Ruslan" Atlangeriev and Gennady Lozhbanidze (Gena Shram) were sentenced to long prison terms for extortion, but were soon released on the basis of forged documents presented by the Chechen police.
And soon Nuchaev and Atlangeriev were hired to serve in the government of Chechnya.
Chechen crime differs from the Soviet one in its traditions.
The Chechen criminals have only one thief in law named Sultan.
Participation in the actions of armed gangs, the strictest discipline and a common goal are close to the Chechen tradition and can explain why this particular type of crime turned out to be so successful in the new Russia.
A strict hierarchy is inherent in Chechen organizations. The duty to obey is universal. But this does not create a pyramid of power, as it was in the Communist Party. The Chechen brotherhood or gang rather resembles a snowflake with a clear center and rays forming an independent pattern around it.
The center is the council of elders.
An elder does not have to be old. The most important thing is that he must be respected by his peers and subordinates.
The purpose of the council is to make strategic decisions concerning the entire fraternity and to regulate internal relations between the various clans that make up the fraternity.
There is no leader in the council of elders, but the one who is responsible for the general "black cash" can consider himself the first among equals. It is known that no later than the fall of 1992, a certain Musa, also called the Old Man, held this post in Moscow.
On November 27, 1992, on the seventh floor of the Ukraina Hotel, in the center of Moscow, Musa meets with one hundred and fifty leaders of various Chechen gangs from all over Russia. At this meeting, Musa demands new, more effective methods work, tighter management and coordination between different Chechen groups.
It is these groups or clans that form the rays of the snowflake. Each such branch has great autonomy and the right to independently conduct its own affairs. Clan members are simply called "people".
It is worth noting that according to the police, less than half of the members of Chechen groups are Chechens. In gangs called "Chechens" there are representatives of all former Soviet peoples, including Slavic.
What unites clans - in addition to the council of elders - is the presence of professional assassins who are recruited in cases where a conflict is resolved with weapons. Assassins do not belong to any separate clan, but can be recruited by decision of the council. Typically, an armed group or professional assassin is sent from one city to another on a one-time mission to prevent the police from discovering connections with the local clan.
To manage this activity, the Chechens have their own intelligence service. Its leader, named Akhmet, has no less than five hundred apartments and other secret hideouts in Moscow, used for secret meetings and secret messages, or places where agents and professional murderers take refuge.
In Moscow, Chechen gangs make up three large groups: Center, Ostankino and Yuzhny Port.
The central group, headed by Lechi Islamov, controls over three hundred firms, as well as prostitution (male and female) in many large hotels.
The Ostankino group, led by Mamud Bolshoi, oversees the sale of furniture, food and computers, and also carries out transportation to Grozny, the capital of Chechnya.
The southern port of Moscow, where significant river traffic is concentrated, is a notorious criminal area. There is a group there, headed by Nikolai Suleimanov, nicknamed Khoza, now killed in an inter-clan showdown. This group earns the largest income from the sale of cars and parts for them.
If you walk along the streets of Grozny, it will soon become clear what kind of goods are moving to Chechnya instead of the counterfeit Russian money printed here and the automatic machines "Borus" ("Wolf") being manufactured. These are cars.
During the year, for example, dozens of Rollsroys and Ferrari Testarossas were added to the local car register, not to mention the myriad American and Japanese cars that this small mountainous state could not even dream of a few years ago.
How did these symbols of high position come to be here?
There are many ways, but there are few honest ones among them. The simplest thing is the usual thefts and attacks on cars at night, both in the CIS countries and beyond.
According to the Berlin police, Chechens were often involved in thefts from Russian troops stationed on German soil.
But to get cars of a truly high class, Chechens prefer insurance fraud with the participation of Westerners. If Mr. Weber has a luxurious Mercedes in Hamburg, then they can offer him, say, a price of ten thousand marks. The amount is not that great, but there is no risk of outright theft.
The gist of the deal is that Herr Weber will wait three days to report the theft to the police. If he does it earlier, he will be in trouble.
If Mr. Weber keeps his promise, then the Chechen "buyer" will have time to take the car out of Germany and enter it into the former Soviet Union through some border checkpoint where he has contacts.
And at home, in Grozny, he will buy registration documents, genuine or false - at will.
In Germany, the car is declared missing without a trace, and the injured party is the insurance company, whose services are used by Herr Weber.
The story of his car can be continued.
The Chechen owner is bored with his Mercedes or wants an even more luxurious car.
And so he sells it through an intermediary to businessman Sergei Petrov from Rostov-on-Don, who is ready to pay a significant amount for a somewhat second-hand Mercedes (with German numbers again appearing).
What Petrov does not know is that the last owner of the car is a Chechen, and he still has copies of the keys.
As soon as Petrov finishes the tangled chores of registering his new car, she inexplicably disappears and again finds herself in Grozny.
This trick can be repeated in Kursk, Voronezh, Nizhny Novgorod and St. Petersburg.
Wars between gangs, in which Chechens are involved, are among the bloodiest. The explanation is not only that the Chechens themselves quickly grab a weapon, the ethnic aspect is also undoubted. One of the symbols of the Chechens is the target, and as a nation of renegades, they have become excellent fighters.
The opposition between "whites" and "blacks" - Slavs and Caucasians, to use ethnic terms, existed long before the current gang wars. But the shooting went in earnest when new gangs began to divide Moscow into territories and subjugate profitable enterprises.
For Chechens who have come to Moscow from outside, the power of arms is one of the most effective ways show your strength and determination. The wars at home have also taught them that human life is worth little.
At first, the shootings involved limited involvement of people who were directly involved in gang activities, for example, taxi drivers at major airports and in front of hotels. Then it turned into a real racial war, when strangers with the appearance of southerners found themselves in a dangerous zone, and Chechens were killed just because they were Chechens.
This conflict reached its peak in early 1993, when three Chechens were killed by a gang from Ivanteevka. Five hundred members of the Chechen clans gathered for a meeting at which five of the Ivanteev gang were sentenced to death. Several Chechens took it upon themselves to carry out the sentence.
When the Russian groups found out about this, they united under the slogan "Moscow - for the Russians!" The Chechens were declared outcasts.
In response, the Chechens tried to unite various groups from the Caucasus against the Moscow gangs into a united front.
The police, to a certain extent, legalized such ethnic wars. For example, after attempted coups and various political demonstrations, she uses her special rights to expel dozens of people of "Caucasian nationality" from the capital.
As a fight against organized crime, such measures are ineffective, because gangs have their informants in the police and key persons always manage to be safe.

Andrey KONSTANTINOV